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<text id=90TT3003>
<title>
Nov. 12, 1990: The Presidency
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
Nov. 12, 1990 Ready For War
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
NATION, Page 31
THE PRESIDENCY
The Lessons of History
</hdr>
<body>
<p>By Hugh Sidey
</p>
<p> It was only a wisp of information that slipped through the
rings of security that girdle the secret enclaves of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff. But once loose, it ravaged the beltway's old
establishment.
</p>
<p> It was that a war to oust Saddam Hussein from Kuwait, to
invade, contain and ultimately neutralize Iraq as a military
threat, would take 1 million American troops. To anyone familiar
with the war planners' imperative to be ready for any
contingency, the figure is not startling. The White House has
been told of the Pentagon's estimates; the figures reflect the
fear generated by the U.S. failure in Vietnam that without
massive battlefield superiority at specified points, the U.S.
could easily get bogged down in the Persian Gulf.
</p>
<p> What that whispered piece of information showed was that the
U.S. has no other plans for extricating itself from the shifting
sands of a determined and enduring Iraqi aggression. The brutish
truths of a million-man conflict are stunning, beyond anything
this nation has contemplated doing to free Kuwait and probably
beyond anything it would support. There is an alternative, of
course: a war ill-conceived and hastily launched, which could
be lost because of a lack of preparation, with all the
humiliation and internal devastation that would come from such
a defeat.
</p>
<p> George Bush is right--at least in part--to be angry at
critics who suggest he is skirting the brink of war to pump up
his political standing and divert attention from the nation's
economic angst. The real danger is far more subtle and menacing.
It lies in the environment of the presidency itself. In the
splendid isolation of the White House, the best and the
brightest in crisp uniforms and Brooks Brothers pinstripes can,
with purpose and convincing logic, expound the virtues of force
to fill the voids of doubt that come with such crises. That
happened to Lyndon Johnson in Vietnam. It made so much sense to
him.
</p>
<p> No wonder the aging cold warriors around Washington were
dismayed last week. "At the start of this, we said we were not
going to gradually escalate our presence the way we did in
Vietnam," said former Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger.
"Now, 90 days later, we are asking ourselves whether we should
add another 100,000 to our forces in Saudi Arabia. The
circumstances of military logistics force on you the very
escalation you renounce." When that possibility seeped out of
the Pentagon, L.B.J.'s pledge against "mindless escalation"
came back to haunt the broad avenues of the capital. "Let's make
sure that there really is a light at the end of any tunnel
before we get into it," said another of Johnson's confidants
from that era.
</p>
<p> The Iraqi crisis came too suddenly for the U.S. to do
anything but ride to the defense of the oilfields. But once
poised for battle, armies make war so easy to start--and
sometimes so gratifying, as in Panama.
</p>
<p> Neither Bush nor any of his governing brotherhood--Baker,
Cheney, Powell, Scowcroft, Sununu--were at the Tuesday
luncheons in the 1960s when a swaggering Johnson thumped a map
with his forefinger and unleashed massive American power--only
to fail. Many of the current members of Congress were in grade
school when the Vietnam commitment climbed to 540,000 troops.
Some of the television reporters now graphically describing the
Iraqi commitment on the nightly news were not even born back
then. This is a time to let history speak and then to listen to
its warnings.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>